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| 21 May 2007 |
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A Hadzabe Human Rights Activist, Richard Baalow has been arrested by the Tanzanian Authorities for struggling to protect the land of his people - the yaida valley from hunting interests |
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The agreed strategy is not to publicise the matter as per now but to focus on internal processes to secure his release. Please read below IPACC briefing note for more info. |
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Briefing note on the threat to the
Hadzabe people of the Yaida Valley,
Karatu District,
United Republic of Tanzania
May 2007
Summary
Efforts by the Tanzania UAE Safari Ltd Company to secure a hunting concession in the Yaida Valley in Karatu District of the United Republic of Tanzania present a direct and serious threat to the survival of one of Africa’s oldest surviving language and ethnic groups, the Hadzabe.
Initially, the National government opposed District efforts to contract with Tanzania UAE Safari Ltd to gain control over the Yaida Valley. However, recent developments have led to a renewed threat of the Hadzabe losing their land. Loss of the Yaida Valley would devastate the Hadzabe and lead to their disappearance; a fate already experienced by the Aasax and Akiek peoples.
On 20 May 2007, Tanzanian police arrested Richard Baalow, a Hadzabe spokesperson and activist who has been trying to help the community dialogue with local government. Tanzanian human rights organisations see this as a form of intimidation to ensure compliance with the decision to contract with the UAE safari company.
The United Nations has embarked on two International Decades on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to help make governments aware of the challenges faced by indigenous peoples and the importance of protecting their rights, languages, identities and knowledge systems. The Hadzabe are a classic example of a vulnerable indigenous people who need specific policy attention if they are to survive.
The Hadzabe are concerned that a decision on the Yaida Valley is going to be made by higher levels of government to alienate their land and resources without free prior and informed consent.
According to the Hadzabe, they are seeking a way to negotiate a sustainable solution between themselves, the District Council and the UAE Tanzania Safari Ltd which will conserve nature, provide incomes from the sustainable use of natural resources, and nurture their unique cultural and knowledge systems in their aboriginal territory. The Hadzabe are not necessarily disputing the deal with the UAE, but are arguing that the deal should not put the Hadzabe at serious risk of displacement and cultural disintegration.
Among the primary concerns of the majority of the Hadzabe include a) lack of respect by some officials for their specific identity and their cultural heritage; b) the need for sustainable standards and mechanisms for ensuring biological diversity, notably of wild mammals; and c) a fear of being victimisation and persecution for pursuing their lifestyle.
The Hadzabe propose a series of actions to promote dialogue. The goal is to look for internal solutions, to promote peace and tolerance, and ideally to find a win-win situation for the different stakeholders.
Proposed actions include:
a) Further dialogue with the District level government and neighbouring communities;
b) Petition the President of the United Republic of Tanzania not to proceed with the concession (there was a petition in November 2005);
c) Increase media awareness of the issue and submit a presentation to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of Indigenous Peoples;
d) Appeal to the Royal Family of Abu Dhabi not to contract with the District without taking into consideration the vulnerability of the Hadzabe;
e) Seek international mediation. The Hadzabe have suggested that the Crown Prince of Jordan, HRH Hassan bin Talal, could be a trusted interlocutor / mediator for all parties.
Background Information
This briefing note is prepared by the Indigenous Peoples of Africa Co-ordinating Committee (IPACC). IPACC is a network of 150 community based indigenous peoples associations in 20 African countries. IPACC is accredited with the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights, the UN’s Economic and Social Council, UN Environment Programme and UNESCO. For more information see www.ipacc.org.za
The Hadzabe community structures are members of IPACC as well as the sub-regional network, the Hunter-Gatherer Forum of East Africa (www.hugafo.org).
This briefing note is intended to inform relevant stakeholders of the facts and the context which are posing an imminent threat to the survival of the Hadzabe people. It is IPACC’s general approach that the greatest problems arise from a lack of good communication. African governments frequently do not know much about remote rural areas and moreover about the practices, cultures and knowledge systems of hunter-gatherer peoples. On the other hand, indigenous peoples may not have the capacity or access points to engage with high levels of government to express their needs and context and to ask for help when they need it.
In this particular case, there is involvement of wealthy outside forces. IPACC has received complaints from other parts of Africa about poaching or unsustainable hunting by persons associated with the royal families of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). We are aware that the UAE has taken steps in favour of wildlife conservation and are active supporters of the CIC, an international conservation network that promotes sustainable natural resources use .
IPACC emphasises the sovereignty of the United Republic of Tanzania and the supremacy of its constitution. It further emphasises the right to self-determination of all African peoples according to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. This is further supported by the 2006 adoption by the UN Human Rights Council of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. In the context of the UN 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (notably Article 8J) it is an obligation for all African states to protect and promote African traditional knowledge systems which maintain both biological and cultural diversity.
Whatever solution is found will require some form of dialogue between legitimate spokespersons from the Hadzabe community, relevant government authorities, national human rights structures, and where appropriate diplomatic representatives of the UAE.
For further information please contact IPACC at ipacc@iafrica.com and ipacc.africa@gmail.com
Description of the problem
In July 2006, the Guardian newspaper reported that the Lower Yaida area in Mbulu District, Manyara Region had been ceded to an Abu Dhabi-based hunting company known as Tanzania UAE Safari Ltd (see Appendix 1). A second application was submitted to attain the remaining part of the Lake Eyasi basin in Karatu District. As of 15 May 2007, Karatu District has refused to sign a deal. However, the new round of negotiating appears to have stronger government support.
The application by Tanzania UAE Safari Ltd. for a hunting concession encompasses an area of 3,975 sq. km including Lake Eyasi. This area falls within the jurisdiction of six villages in Mbulu District and two villages in Karatu District.
Tanzania UAE Safari Ltd is allegedly acting on behalf of HRH Prince Hamdan bin Zayed and Mohamed bin Zayed (chief of staff of UAE Air force). Both HRH Prince Hamdan and Mohamed bin Zayed have visited the Yaida Valley.
The deal with Tanzania UAE Safari Ltd has the potential to provide valuable development assistance, but as the deal currently stands it would terminate any Hadzabe control over the natural resources and lead to their displacement from their homeland territory.
Several Tanzanian hunter-gatherer peoples have dissolved as distinct societies due to a failure of policy makers to recognise their reliance on natural resources and ensure their involvement in maintaining biodiversity and resources management. Both the Akiek and Aasax hunter-gatherers ceased to exist as distinct communities in the second half of the 20th century. The Hadzabe fear this will also be their fate if they should be displaced from their territory or if the resources be over-exploited by external actors.
In 2006, The Guardian reported that the Chairman of Mbulu District Council acknowledged that the area had been leased out to an investor from Abu Dhabi. The Chairman of Karatu District Council confirmed that his authority had received an application from the hunting firm regarding the remaining part of Lake Eyasi basin. The situation of the Hadzabe was discussed by the Karatu District Council in 2006 and a decision was delayed.
The Chair of the Karatu District Council said the councillors were apprehensive about the benefits the surrounding communities would get from the exploitation of Lake Eyasi basin’s natural resources and a guarantee that the firm would exploit resources well. Currently, the basin and surrounding forest is managed by the Hadzabe through the local council as a community conservation site. The Hadzabe hunt and gather wild foods, while generating income from eco-tourism. The tourism benefits are shared with neighbouring communities, including providing incentives not to bring cattle for agriculture into the water-poor and fragile ecosystem of the valley.
While Hadzabe use resources in all of these villages, they are only the dominant population of one of the villages called Mongo wa Mono. This village has four sub-villages with the two largest in area being controlled by the Hadzabe. The Hadzabe are a majority and politically control the village council (rural municipal government).
Legal control of the Yaida by the Hadzabe is derived from the village structure put in place by Tanzania’s first President, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere and his 'Ujamaa' Policy and based on the Village Land Act No 5 of 1999 and the Local Government Act No 7 of 1982. Mongo wa Mono village has a Titled Certificate of Occupancy for 99 years from 8 June 1991. The 1999 land act has been superseded by what is called a 'Village Land Certificate'. UCRT is in the process of facilitating the procurement of this Certificate but even though this has not been completed, the village has retroactive rights over their land area (customary land rights through the village structure are also legally recognized).
Mongo wa Mono villagers went through a participatory land use planning and zoning exercise several years ago facilitated by UCRT (See Appendix 2). Through this process the Hadzabe demarcated two 'traditional economy and conservation zones' which exclude livestock and agriculture. This plan which was ratified by the Karatu District Council is legally binding and supported by village by laws e.g. fines for offences.
The Wildlife Division in the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism is entrusted with all matters related to wildlife (e.g. consumptive use) outside of National Parks and the Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Historically, Wildlife Division has drawn and allocated hunting blocks encompassing village land areas with no consultative process even though villages have legal rights over land. Wildlife Division recognises the sensitivity of dealing with a traditional hunting and gathering culture.
The highest democratic institution and final decision making body at village level is the village assembly (i.e. open village meeting). A decision such as agreeing to a hunting investor must be agreed by the village assembly and documented in formal minutes. A District Council decision related to land that is not backed by village assembly decisions is not legal or binding.
The decision of both general assembly meetings for the villages of Eshgesh (dominated by indigenous Barabaig pastoralists) and Mongo wa Mono (Hadza majority) was that the investor should come meet with them and negotiate terms of a contract that could be rescinded should the terms not be fulfilled. These decisions were a conditional yes. Both meetings were held on 8 Sept 2005. Both were 'supervised' by a District Commissioner and the District Game Officer. The investor has yet to come to meet to discuss terms of contract.
The Government used the minutes of the two village assemblies as proof of village consent and that the deal was approved. People apparently felt deceived. Hence, a delegation went twice in November 2005 to see the Regional Commissioner. There has been a dispute about who can legitimately speak on behalf of the Hadzabe people. Community members are attempting to hold follow up village assemblies.
As the lease arrangements involve hunting permits, the Wildlife Division of the Government of Tanzania is overseeing the operation. The current laws in Tanzania do not take into account subsistence hunting rights and needs. This is in contrast to similar mechanisms and legislation in other parts of Africa, for example the Conservancy system in place in Namibia which recognises two tiers of hunting: subsistence and trophy hunting.
Richard Baalow, a community activist who has been working with the Hunter-Gatherer Forum of East Africa was arrested without clear charges on 20 May 2007. Baalow had previously participated in IPACC’s programme to promote awareness of hunter-gatherer traditional knowledge systems and the management of natural resources. His arrest is interpreted by human rights agencies as an attempt to intimidate the Hadzabe into accepting a top-down decision on the Yaida Valley.
APPENDIX 1
Hadzabe lose land to hunting firm
2006-08-22 09:28:52
By Adam Ihucha, Arusha
The remaining home of the Hadzabe ethnic group, a surviving relic of the hunter-gatherers in Tanzania, has been hived off and ceded to a foreign tourist hunting firm.
The Lower Yaida area in Mbulu District, Manyara Region, has allegedly been ceded to an Abu Dhabi-based hunting company known as Tanzania UAE Safari Ltd, which has applied to appropriate a wide variety of wildlife in the Lake Eyasi Basin for commercial tourist hunting.
The firm has reportedly applied for the remaining part of the Lake Eyasi basin in Karatu District to bring it under its commercial hunting ambit. In an exclusive interview with The Guardian yesterday, the Chairman of Mbulu District Council, Damian Isaay, acknowledged that the area had indeed been leased out to an investor from Abu Dhabi.
“I don’t have details about the contract, but all I can say is, it’s true that the area has been given out to an investor from Abu Dhabi” Isaay said in a telephone interview.
Chairman of Karatu District Council Lazaro Titus Maasai confirmed that his authority had received an application from the hunting firm regarding the remaining part of Lake Eyasi basin.
’’We have put on hold the firm\’s application pending, among other things, submission of additional information to confirm the authenticity of the company,’’ Maasai said.
According to the chairman, the application from the Middle East firm did not provide sufficient information to enable the council to make a decision.
The councillors, therefore, demanded additional information on the firm’s profile, objectives, contract desired and its wildlife utilisation plan should it consider the company’s application.
Maasai said the councillors were further apprehensive about the benefits the surrounding communities would get from the exploitation of Lake Eyasi basin’s natural resources and a guarantee that the firm would exploit resources well.
“Last, but not least, we wanted thorough explanation on the fate of Hadzabe, the hunters and gatherers of the 21st Century whose livelihoods depend on the natural resources in Lake Eyasi Basin,’’ Maasai said.
As a result, the proposal is due to be tabled again in the forthcoming Karatu full council meeting next month, where the councillors would thoroughly deliberate it.
Social scientists expressed fears recently that the Hadzabe would become extinct in a few years as a result of pressure on their habitat.
The Hadzabe occupy a far smaller territory to the south of Ngorongoro, in the escarpments of the Rift Valley and the valleys around Lake Eyasi.
The area is home to a wide array of wildlife and to a range of flora that includes the magnificent baobab trees of Africa, which host bees from which the Hadzabe collect honey.
The Hadzabe traditional way of life, according to social scientists, has come under pressure to adapt to modern ways of living.
In Tanzania, the Hadzabe inhabit the acacia forests and scrubland around Lake Eyasi in Arusha and Meatu in Shinyanga for over 10,000 years. According to a just-concluded research by Oxfam, the Hadzabe, who survive on fruit-gathering and hunting wild animals for food face extinction as their habitats have been converted into conservation areas and agricultural land.
“The situation is very critical for the tribe, whose population does not exceed 3,000,’’ reads part of the Oxfam report circulated to stakeholders in Arusha recently.
“The community is virtually under threat from commercial extinction of the resources under their jurisdiction, which are also their home and the basis of their livelihood, has been converted into farms and conservation areas” the study added.
The researchers, however, blamed the situation on poor government policies, which they said favour conservation of huge chunks of land for wildlife hunting at the expense of indigenous people.
“We in turn owe groups like the Hadzabe the chance to perpetuate their way of life, not simply because they add to the cultural and technological diversity of the planet, but because their lifestyle, in its ancient simplicity, has a huge amount to teach us about the technological, environmental and spiritual arts of sustainability in our all-consuming age’’ the researchers observed.
SOURCE: GUARDIAN
APPENDIX 2
UJAMAA COMMUNITY RESOURCE TRUST
THE YAIDA VALLEY & LAKE EYASI ECOSYSTEM
HISTORY, PEOPLE & DEVELOPMENT, WILDLIFE & ENVIRONMENT
This brief has been prepared as background information to help guide a proposed development and conservation initiative by stakeholders in the Yaida Valley / Lake Eyasi eco-system.
1. Introduction
The Yaida Valley / Lake Eyasi Basin lie to the southwest of the Ngorongoro highlands and is the result of some of the earliest Rift Valley faulting in eastern Tanzania. The land area discussed in this brief comprises about 2000 sq. km. under the control of 10 villages in Karatu and Mbulu Districts. While the Hadzabe people are the original inhabitants and were the sole occupants until recent history, immigration has led to several diverse groups of people coexisting in the area. The Yaida - Eyasi area is unique as one of the only places to represent all four of the major ethno linguistic groups on the African continent.
2. Wildlife – history and current status
Some of the earliest written history of wildlife in the Yaida - Eyasi area comes from the Kohl-Larsens. They were a German and Norwegian couple who spent 4 years during the 1930s searching for and documenting the culture of Hadzabe hunter gatherer peoples. While searching for the elusive Hadzabe people on foot, the Kohl Larsens encountered four to five rhino daily. They write, “There is hardly a game-richer region in East Africa than the habitat of the Tindiga (Hadza) during the time of our being there” (1). Subsequent accounts of missionaries and researchers in the 1950’s reinforce the Kohl Larsen experience. One missionary party camping on the edge of the Yaida swamp in 1955 tell of counting 13 rhino from camp while having morning tea.
Dr. James Woodburn, the academic father of the study of hunter gatherer social systems and Hadzabe culture, took a 16 mm movie in the early 1960’s which shows herds of elephant browsing in open woodland and herds of thousands of wildebeest and zebra and hundreds of eland and gazelle on the open plains. Such wildlife richness persisted into the 1970s when a cascade of events over the next two decades resulted in lost and greatly diminished wildlife populations remaining in the ecosystem by 1995.
The principle factors for this wildlife decline were the following:
1) Total loss of the rhino due to poaching by the late 1970s;
2) Gradual drying of the Yaida swamp due to poor land use in the Yaida river watershed and greater human and agricultural demands on its water on the Mbulu plateau;
3) Elephant numbers down to less than a tenth of previous numbers due to the ivory market and poaching in the 1980s combined with habitat loss;
4) A huge influx of people and livestock which resulted in severe competition with wildlife for both grazing and dry season water;
5) Movement of large numbers of people and livestock into surrounding areas which cut the ecosystem off from former extensive wildlife reservoirs of the Sibiti, Wembere, Maswa Game Reserve and Serengeti National Park;
6) Uncontrolled wildlife hunting by surrounding elites with licenses, vehicles and rifles together with off take by neighbouring peoples using snares, bicycles and locally made firearms (gobore).
By 1995 all these factors had taken such a toll on wildlife numbers that even common species such as wildebeest, zebra, eland and giraffe were in real danger of extirpation or local extinction.
Three primary factors began to reverse the situation and lead to a modest wildlife recovery.
1) The Ujamaa Community Resource Trust (CRT) began work in the Yaida Valley in 1998. CRT, in collaboration with Mbulu District Government, has worked with local villages developing land use zoning and land use plans backed by legally ratified village by- laws. This has resulted in conservation zone and immigration procedures being established in three of the villages, those in Yaida Ward (see zoning map examples in Appendix 2).
The most important zones for wildlife were established in the village of Mongo wa Mono which is dominated by Hadza hunter gatherers. These latter zones have in large part, successfully excluded even livestock which has freed up small areas exclusively for wildlife and sustainable Hadzabe hunting and gathering activities. Small springs and grazing became once again the prerogative of wildlife, and numbers began to increase.
2) El Niño related weather in late 1997 and 98 led to unprecedented rainfall which was a boon to natural systems and allowed nature including wildlife to flourish. The Yaida swamp became a temporary lake full of catfish protein for three subsequent years.
3) Through political pressure exerted by the Hadza, the Tanzanian Parliament banned both resident and tourist hunting in the area in 1995.
Despite the modest gains in wildlife numbers, most species population sizes are so low that any additional pressure will likely lead to extirpation.
3. People – history and development
Hadza
The Yaida - Lake Eyasi ecosystem is the homeland of Hadzabe hunter gatherers who number between 1,000-1,500 people. Recent DNA research indicates that the Hadza split off from the Sandawe of Tanzania and San people of southern Africa between 40,000 to 90,000 years ago. According to Hadza oral tradition, they have always lived here and are clearly one of the original peoples.
Despite repeated development initiatives in the last 40 years, most Hadza continue to depend primarily on a hunting and gathering economy. The primary reason for this is that the dry, unpredictable environment they live in is not suitable for sustainable crop agriculture. This is borne out by comparison with the Sandawe of Kondoa District who live in a climatically more predictable environment and who today primarily depend on crop agriculture with some livestock and some gathering where habitat still remains.
All major development efforts for the Hadza failed in Endamaghay, Iramba Ndogo, Munguli and lastly in Yaida Chini because the emphasis was on provision of services such as hospitals, schools and water at the expense of realistic and viable economic options which were acceptable by the Hadza to ‘make a living’. The result was an influx of neighbouring people to take advantage of the services, movement away by the Hadza, the loss of wildlife in these areas and followed in many cases by impoverished new immigrants attempting to farm these marginal areas.
Datoga
The Datoga are highland Nilotic pastoralists who moved to Tanzania several hundred years ago from Northern Africa. While some of the early Datoga immigrants moved into the southern areas of L. Eyasi, most Datoga presently in the ecosystem have moved there in the last few decades as they were displaced by agriculturalist Iraqw and commercial wheat farms in Hanang District.
The Datoga economy is dependent on livestock and the ecosystem currently holds near to maximum numbers of livestock, based on dry season grass availability and a qualitative assessment of rangeland health. The results of this are twofold:
1) Firstly, overall per capita livestock holdings are below subsistence level and “the majority of households are caught in a declining cycle of poverty and are struggling to survive” (3). While the Datoga attempt to compensate for this by raising crops, the harsh environment results in frequent failure and the need for famine relief;
2) Secondly, populations of wildlife grazing species such as wildebeest, zebra & buffalo have plummeted due to competition for dry season grazing and water.
Iraqw
The Iraqw are Cushitic language speakers who migrated into Tanzania from Ethiopia as long as a few thousand years ago. After being displaced hundreds of years ago by the Datoga from the Ngorongoro highlands, they settled on the highland Mbulu plateau. Population growth and land need drove them into the more recent Datoga lands of Hanang. The Iraqw are agro – pastoralists whose need for land has driven them in small numbers into the Yaida/Eyasi system wherever there is a chance to grow crops. As with the Datoga, many are caught in a cycle of poverty and frequently require famine relief.
Additionally, Iraqw who run out of grazing for their livestock in the highlands, send their herds to Iraqw relatives in the ecosystem which exacerbates an already tight livestock niche.
Isanzu & Iramba
The Isanzu and Iramba are closely related Bantu neighbours who moved several hundred years ago from the west to the southern side of the ecosystem. Their economy is mostly crop agriculture with some livestock. There is a small group centred in Yaida Chini village which moved there after the failed development initiative for the Hadza referred to earlier. Most years they are able to grow enough food due to the floodplain character of their fields and some very limited irrigation potential.
Sukuma
The Sukuma are Bantu agro pastoralists and are numerically the largest ethnic group among Tanzania’s over 120 distinct cultural groups. Within the last few decades they have spread from the Shinyanga area and are now pushing at the south-western borders of the Yaida - Eyasi ecosystem already dominating one of the sub-villages of Matala. Should this expansion continue the pressures both socially, economically and environmentally will increase dramatically in the Yaida - Eyasi ecosystem. Concomitant with increased poverty and environmental degradation, wildlife populations will almost certainly be reduced even further.
4. Recommendations for the future of the Yaida Valley
The immense challenge of the conservation and development initiative is to fulfil the twin goals of bettering the lives of the people currently living in the ecosystem while at the same time increasing wildlife numbers. These preliminary conclusions and recommendations are aimed at furthering these twin goals.
Livelihoods and economy
The overriding thrust of development initiatives should be emphasis on sustainable livelihoods (economies) that are able to support good services.
1) It is clear that the large number of livestock & people, their impact on the environment and the significant percentage of people in poverty are the main impediments towards increasing wildlife numbers in the ecosystem. Therefore, development support should focus on means of improving people’s economic well being in ways that are sustainable. The focus would be on increasing land productivity and initiating alternative economic options in order to concentrate people’s impact on the environment in smaller areas (leaving more room and resources for wildlife) while at the same time improving their economic well being. Examples follow:
a) Promotion of drought adapted crops;
b) Dryland farming techniques;
c) Enabling local suppliers to furnish reliable and reasonable veterinary drugs;
d) Providing access to higher producing livestock breeding stock that are adapted to arid conditions;
e) Enabling farmers and pastoralists who are dependent on especially marginal areas, should they so wish, to move to better environments outside of the ecosystem, thereby releasing them from the poverty trap in which they are currently caught;
f) Supporting the establishment of sustainable alternative economic options for people such as craft production and small industries;
g) While anti-poaching enforcement will likely only result in a modest gain of wildlife numbers due to the habitat factors referred to earlier, emphasis should be on grassroots enforcement by foot and bicycle with occasional vehicle back up. This will be much more effective in curbing poaching and at the same time provide employment. Village scouts should be paid from village funds generated through negotiated agreements (see 4 below).
Services
2) Traditional development service provision – water, health and education – must be very carefully planned with full participatory consultation with local communities and within the context of a wider environmental and resource use plan, so that their provision does not attract more people which adds to land impact, increases poverty and further diminishes wildlife numbers.
a) In order to be sustainable, infrastructure development such as a water supply, school or medical facility, must be community owned. This means that the community is involved in planning and implementation with the community providing a contribution of labor and raw materials.
b) Because of the extremely low income levels in these communities, endowments should be established for the majority of recurrent costs for schools or health facilities to avoid these becoming what is known as ‘showcase development’.
3) As one of the last remaining hunter gatherer groups in Tanzania, the Hadza are under continuous scrutiny by International Indigenous Rights Organizations such as Survival International, EcoTerra and IPACC (Indigenous Peoples of Africa Coordinating Committee). In order to avoid international furore and more importantly because the Hadza depend on foraging for their daily needs:
a) The traditional rights of Hadza to hunt and gather must be respected;
b) Their two conservation/traditional economy zones
4) Conditions and benefits should be negotiated directly between villages and hunting or eco tourist operators. As part of these negotiations, a few strategic core wildlife zones, set aside exclusively for wildlife, should be proposed. This measure above all, has the potential to boost wildlife numbers while at the same time contributing towards the economic well being of communities.
References
1) Kohl-Larsen, L. (1956). Das Zauberhorn Marchen und Tiergeschichten der Tindiga. Erich Roth-Verlag, Eisenach und Kassel.
2) Knight, A., Underhill, P.A., Mortensen, H.M., Zhivotovsky, L.A., Lin, A.A., Henn, B.M., Louis, D., Ruhlen, M., Mountain,J.L. (2003). African Y chromosome and mtDNA divergence provides insight into the history of click languages. Current Biology, 13: 464-473.
3) Sieff, D.F. (1995). The Effects of Resource Availability on the Subsistence Strategies of Datoga Pastoralists of North West Tanzania. PhD Thesis. Institute of Biological Anthropology and Wolfson College, University of Oxford.
Appendix 3
Online background readings:
The UN provides this testimony by a Hadza spokesperson:
11. Mr. Julius M'Indaaya a member of the Hadzabe people explained that there were approximately 1,000 of his people living in Tanzania as hunter gatherers. They were under pressure from farmers, pastoralists and loggers who were coming on to their traditional hunting area. This had led to migration of animals on which they depended and a lack of food. He also said that Hadzabe people were not allowed to go onto the national parks to hunt animals and referred to a case in which an NGO had taken Hadzabe people to court for killing animals. … It was also mentioned that the government was sometimes trying to settle Hadzabe people in unsuitable environments turning them into farmers. Furthermore conservation policies focussed on the protection of wild animals because they bring tourist revenue. This was also detrimental to the Hadzabe people.
(From: http://www.unhchr.ch/huridocda/huridoca.nsf/(Symbol)/E.CN.4.Sub.2.AC.5.2000.WP.3.En?Opendocument )
Islam online: Threats to Hadzabe survival
http://www.islamonline.net/English/Science/2003/10/article05.shtml
Wikipedia on the Hadzabe:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadzabe
IPP media drawing on Guardian information threats to Yaeda Valley
http://www.ippmedia.com/ipp/guardian/2007/04/30/89471.html
Legal and Human Rights Centre, Tanzania, briefing note on Yaeda crisis:
http://www.humanrights.or.tz/pdf/Newsletter_nov_2006.pdf
The Leakey Foundation: Hadza language and the origins of modern human speech:
http://www.leakeyfoundation.org/newsandevents/n4_x.jsp?id=3324
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